Prof. Dr. sc Goran Ilik
Professor at the Faculty of Law,
Vice-Rector for Science at the University “St. Kliment Ohridski”
Dr. Goran Ilik is a full professor and Vice-Rector for Science at the University St. Kliment Ohridski in Bitola (North Macedonia). The publication list contains papers, chapters, and monographs emphasizing the role of the European Union in international relations, the institutional architecture of its foreign policy, the EU's constitutional law and constitutionalism, the EU's axiological performances, and its political power. He is the author of the books: “Europe at the Crossroads: The Treaty of Lisbon as a Basis of European Union International Identity”, “EUtopia: The International Political Power of the EU in the Process of Ideeologization of the Post-American World”, and “International Relations and the European Union: Values before Power”. Prof. Dr. sc. Goran Ilik is a lecturer/trainer at the State Academy of Judges and Public Prosecutors “Pavel Shatev” – Skopje (North Macedonia). Also, Prof. Dr. sc. Goran Ilik is co-founder of the Institute for Research and European Studies – Bitola and Editor-in-Chief of the international academic journals "Journal of Liberty and International Affairs" (www.e-jlia.com) and "Journal of Legal and Political Education" (www.iies.mk/jlpe). He also completed a post-doctoral fellowship on “New Technologies and Law” at the “Mediterranea” International Centre for Human Rights Research in Italy (2020-2021).
How In your work on European federalism, you have outlined the evolving role of the EU in creating a unified European identity. How do you view the future of European federalism, especially in light of current global challenges such as nationalism and regionalism?
In my work on European federalism, mainly through my research on the Enhanced Cooperation Mechanism (EnC), I have emphasized the European Union’s ongoing efforts to foster a more cohesive identity while balancing its diverse Member States. I view the Enhanced Cooperation Mechanism as a federator sui generis and an opportunity for sectoral federalization within the EU. In my view, the future of European federalism remains a complex but necessary pursuit, particularly as global challenges such as nationalism and regionalism intensify.
The EU has always been an integration project, aiming to transcend historical national rivalries and promote unity. However, the resurgence of nationalism and regionalism—whether seen in the rise of populist movements within Member States or the growing regional autonomy demands—poses significant obstacles to further federalization. These forces challenge the EU’s foundational ideals by prioritizing national sovereignty over shared governance, complicating efforts to deepen integration.
Yet, these challenges could also be opportunities. As the EU grapples with these internal divisions, it may recalibrate its approach to federalism, potentially focusing more on flexibility, inclusivity, and differentiated integration. Mechanisms like enhanced cooperation allow willing Member States to advance in specific policy areas, avoiding a one-size-fits-all approach. This could mitigate tensions while allowing the EU to remain adaptable despite nationalist pressures.
Looking ahead, I see European federalism evolving not necessarily toward a fully centralized union but toward a federative model that respects national identities while reinforcing a shared European governance framework. The EU’s response to global challenges such as climate change, economic inequality, and geopolitical instability will also shape this future. Successfully addressing these issues together may ultimately strengthen European unity, making federalism a more viable long-term goal.
Moreover, the Enhanced Cooperation Mechanism (EnC) de facto inspires a supranational differentiation while encouraging the rest of the Member States to get involved in the existing enhanced cooperation forms and thus raise cooperation to a level higher than the national one. The level is intermediary – supra-state and sub-EU, not federal. The EnC mechanism has no power to establish a federal structure (with all of its features). Still, it can create reinforced sectoral cooperation networks with supranational elements within the EU system, covering the subjects for which the EU has a non-exclusive competence. This resembles Jean Monnet’s idea of building a “federal Europe through sectoral communities.”
In your book EUtopia, you argue for the EU’s role in shaping international political power. How do you see the EU’s influence growing in a world where we see shifting power dynamics, particularly in relation to other global actors like the United States and China?
In EUtopia, the argument centers on the European Union’s potential to reshape the international political order by leveraging its unique soft power, grounded in values like human rights, democracy, and multilateralism. The EU’s influence, in this context, is distinct from that of traditional global powers like the United States and China, both of which primarily project power through military might or economic dominance.
As global power dynamics shift, with China’s rise as an economic and geopolitical heavyweight and the U.S.’s focus on internal and external realignments, the EU’s influence can grow by emphasizing its strengths in areas where it has already made strides: regulatory power, diplomacy, and international law. The EU has become a “regulatory superpower,” shaping global standards like environmental protection, data privacy (e.g., GDPR), and trade norms. These areas of influence are less dependent on hard power and more on the ability to set rules and norms that others follow, often termed the “Brussels effect.”
However, to fully capitalize on this position, the EU must address internal challenges such as cohesion between Member States, economic disparity, and crises like migration. These issues can hinder its external influence. In a multipolar world where China is expanding its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the U.S. is often unpredictable in its foreign policy, the EU can enhance its global role by continuing to champion multilateral cooperation, sustainability (primarily through the Green Deal), and a rules-based international order.
In EUtopia, I also acknowledge that the European Union possesses a “hidden” power or potential rooted in the historical legacy of its Member States as former colonial empires. If we look at the global map, we can see that, for centuries, much of the world was ruled by European imperial powers—Portugal, Spain, the UK, Germany, France, etc. Today, the EU consists of 10 former colonial empires and, previously, 11 when the UK was a member. To varying degrees, these states maintain formal and informal relations with their former colonies and dependencies, often organized into alliances such as the Latin Union, the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie, the Commonwealth of Nations, etc.
This historical foundation conceals the imperial and colonial past of these European states. Moreover, it provides legitimacy for the EU’s potential to lead in shaping the new world order by promoting and imposing liberal and democratic values and norms. Through centuries of colonization, these European powers implanted their cultural, legal, and political norms across the globe. From this perspective, they unwittingly laid the groundwork for a return to the global stage, not as conquerors or colonizers but as a neo-European liberal reconquest.
In this process, the EU holds the banner of a “non-imperial empire,” a union of interfering imperial powers within the EU system. These states, now functioning within the institutions and structures of the EU, collectively pursue foreign policy goals, particularly in influencing the global environment and promoting a new world order. By pooling its historical legacies and influence, the EU can emerge as a formidable actor, promoting its vision of multilateralism, democracy, and human rights across the globe.
The Treaty of Lisbon has been a significant milestone for the EU’s international identity. Could you share your perspective on how this Treaty has transformed the EU’s role on the global stage, particularly in its external relations?
The Treaty of Lisbon marked a pivotal moment in shaping the European Union’s international identity, fundamentally altering its role on the global stage. While it did not serve as a constitution or a final destination for the EU’s political integration, it initiated significant transformations in the EU’s external relations.
One of the most notable aspects of the Lisbon Treaty is its approach to institutional architecture, emerging from the lessons learned from the unsuccessful European Constitution. The Treaty refrained from committing to a fully-fledged political union—whether a federation or confederation—thus setting the stage for a more complex integration process. By doing so, it acknowledged the challenges of consolidating a coherent international political identity for the EU. As a result, the Treaty of Lisbon can be seen as a foundational document that merely begins the journey toward the EU’s identity as a global actor rather than completing it.
The institutional advancements introduced by the Lisbon Treaty were crucial in this context. It established key roles such as the President of the European Council and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, empowering these institutions to enhance the EU’s external coherence and foster solidarity among Member States. These roles are vital for navigating the intricacies of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), ensuring a unified approach to representing the EU’s interests abroad. However, the principle of unanimous decision-making within the CFSP has often hindered the establishment of a clear and consistent international political identity, reflecting the ongoing struggle between national sovereignty and collective action.
Moreover, the Treaty serves as a legal and political framework, primarily focused on initiating and reinforcing the EU’s international political identity rather than solidifying it. It regulates the relationships among Member States through principles of intergovernmentalism and unanimity, which limits the EU’s capacity to act decisively on the world stage. Thus, while the Treaty of Lisbon represents a step forward, it does not legitimize the EU’s finalité politique.
The Lisbon Treaty should be seen as a foundational basis for further institutional and political developments within the EU, paving the way toward greater supranationalization. For the EU to assert itself as a functional global actor with a robust international political identity, it must evolve into a more cohesive political union. Only by embracing a federative or confederative structure will the EU be able to navigate the complexities of global politics effectively, ensuring that it can act consistently and decisively in the international arena.
In your analysis of the European Union’s role in international relations, you often emphasize ‘values before power.’ How do you think the EU can maintain its value-driven foreign policy in a complex, multipolar world, where competing interests often challenge such an approach?
To effectively address these challenges, the EU must embark on a comprehensive re-institutionalization process with several key elements. First, there must be a supranationalization of institutions. The EU should enhance the autonomy of its institutions relative to Member States, enabling them to act decisively and cohesively on the international stage. This shift away from parochial interests, which currently undermine collective action, is essential for maintaining the integrity and efficacy of the EU’s foreign policy.
Second, the EU needs to establish robust democratic control and accountability. Ensuring its institutions are accountable to European citizens is crucial for fostering legitimacy and public support. Mechanisms for democratic oversight should be strengthened, allowing citizens to engage meaningfully in the decision-making processes that affect their lives and societies.
Additionally, reaffirming fundamental values must be central to the EU’s identity. The EU should recommit to its core principles—democracy, human rights, and the rule of law—as guiding tenets in all its foreign policy initiatives, especially when dealing with autocratic regimes. This commitment will enhance the EU’s credibility and reinforce its role as a global advocate for liberal democratic values.
Finally, the EU must invest in the unification of Europe as an ultimate goal. A cohesive European identity requires political will and financial and social investments in fostering solidarity among Member States and their populations.
Revising the Lisbon Treaty or adopting a new constitutional treaty could be pivotal to achieving these objectives. Such a legal framework should emphasize the re-institutionalization agenda and provide the legal basis for enhancing the EU’s governance structure.
In the face of rising powers, such as Russia and China, one of the main challenges for the EU will be to consolidate itself as a proactive defender of liberal democratic values. At the same time, the EU must counteract these threats by promoting a unified approach that prevents excessive bilateralism, particularly from Member States like Hungary, which may undermine collective EU interests.
Ultimately, the contest between values and power has been ongoing for millennia and will continue into the future. Now is the time for the EU to take serious steps toward re-establishment based on its founding values. Only by doing so can the EU assert its influence in international relations rather than becoming a subject of bargaining among other global actors in the 21st century.
Comentarios